Charles Salmon
Biography
Dr Salmon who was the son of the late Mr F. B. Salmon, was born at Daisy Hill, near Talbot, on July 30, 1860, and was educated at Scotch College, Melbourne. On leaving school he went to the country for a while, but returned to Melbourne, and entered Trinity College in April, 1886, with a view to studying medicine at the Melbourne University. Dr Salmon did not complete his medical course at the Melbourne University but after studying two years here went to Scotland, and graduated L.R.C.P., L.R.C.S., Edinburgh, and L.F.P.S., Glasgow, in 1891. He at once returned to Australia and was registered as a medical practitioner on August 7 1891. He entered the Victorian Parliament in 1893, representing the Talbot constituency and he held the seat until he resigned to contest the Laanecoorie seat in the first Federal Parliament. He was successful and represented the constituency until in the redistribution of seats in 1913 it was abolished. He stood for the Senate in 1914 and was defeated but in 1915 at a by-election for the Grampians he was successful. At the elections in May last he was again returned.
Dr Salmon had not been long in the Legislative Assembly of Victoria before he began to take a prominent position. He was Minister for Public Instruction and Commissioner of Trade and Customs in the McLean-Shiels Ministry in 1899-1900. He was also president of the Australian Natives Association. Whilst a member of the House of Representatives he was Chairman of Committees and Deputy Speaker from 1904-1908, and subsequently in July 1909 he became Speaker and held the position until the expiration of the Parliament in 1910. In the discussion as to the appointment of Speaker in the present Federal Parliament Dr. Salmon's name was freely mentioned.
In addition to his Parliamentary positions, Dr Salmon had many outside interests. He joined the medical staff of the Australian Mounted Rifles in 1891 with the rank of captain, and was transferred to the AAMC in 1903. He gained his majority in 1909 and became lieutenant-colonel in 1912 attached to the 20th Light Horse. He had been for four years Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Freemasons of Victoria and was installed in March last for the fourth time. He has also been closely identified with the Anglican Church. He was a member of the council of the diocese, a lay canon of St Paul's Cathedral, Melbourne, a lay representative of the Church Synod, Ballarat, a trustee and chairman of the council of Trinity College Melbourne, and a member of the council of the Church of England Grammar School, Melbourne. Dr Salmon also took a prominent part in the establishment of federation.
Dr Salmon married in 1900 Nancy, the daughter of the late Sir Matthew Harris, then Lord Mayor of Sydney. His wedding was the occasion for one of the most elaborate social functions in Sydney. Mrs Salmon and three children survive him. Charles died May 18th 1917
White Australia
On the Immigration Restriction Bill
Mr. SALMON(Laanecoorie). - During the debate in the House this Bill was subjected to very severe and somewhat adverse criticism, which was levelled almost entirely against the clause now under discussion. It had been my intention during the second reading debate to say a few words on the Bill generally, and especially with regard to this clause and the attitude of the Government on this most important question. The Attorney-General, in speaking on the second reading, courted debate and expressed the opinion that every member of the House should, if possible, address himself to the subject. I quite agree with the right honorable and learned gentleman regarding the importance of this Bill, and 1 desire now to take an opportunity of expressing my views upon it. The desire for a white Australia is undoubtedly general, and it would be very difficult to find any large section of the community who are opposed to the idea. History teaches us that the failure on the part of those responsible for the good government of the nation, to protect that nation not only at the time at which they are administering its affairs, but especially for the future, has been followed by the most disastrous results. I need not allude to the great Republic of the United States, in order to impress honorable members with the importance of that phase of the question. We are all at one in our desire to maintain the purity of the white race that is now settled in Australia. I am proud indeed to be a citizen of the British Empire - the greatest nation that the world has ever seen - but I recognise that although we pride ourselves, and justly so, upon the high state of civilization which we have reached, and the success that has attended the efforts of those who have so wisely governed the Empire in the past in the direction of securing liberty to all, and in assisting by every means in raising the status - the social status especially - of the nations with which we have come into contact, these facts only intensify the responsibility which rests upon us in this Commonwealth Parliament.
I recognise that there are white races which have reached just as high a point of civilization as we have. We have here in Australia an admixture of the best and choicest of the white races ; we have here the progeny of men of adventurous spirit and sturdy frame, who have shown themselves by their actions to be imbued with patriotism of the loftiest kind, and it is in order to preserve all these elements that we desire to shut out from Australia the inferior races. No one will argue for one moment that we can improve the condition of any of the black races of the world by bringing them here and allowing them to intermingle with us. We must all recognise that their importation would only result in the deterioration and degeneration of our own race, and we must also feel that we could not assimilate properly with them. It would take centuries before they could become completely absorbed by us, even if we were to prevent any others coming here, and only to allow those already here to intermingle with us.
I feel that we have too many coloured aliens amongst us already. The majority of those who are here have come to stay, and will have a particularly marked effect upon our race in the very near future. In certain portions of the Commonwealth these coloured aliens have been settled for a considerable time and their numbers have been largely augmented from year to year with the result that they have not been improved so much as the white race has degenerated. In certain parts of the Commonwealth a condition of living exists that causes those who prize the civilization we have reached to shudder with apprehension at the prospect of any extension of the practices which have been followed in the past. I feel, therefore, that we shall do well if at the very inception of our federal existence we take this matter in hand and attempt to deal with it. The next question for us to consider is whether clause 4 will enable us to secure the protection we desire for the white rape. We have an alternative method suggested to us, namely, that of throwing overboard the educational and applying the colour test.
I quite agree with those who desire that we should absolutely exclude the black alien races from the Commonwealth, but we have to consider not only how we can best accomplish our desire but how it can be most speedily brought about. It will be too late for us years hence to bring in legislation with the object we now have in view because then the damage already done will have been accentuated. Some injury has been done already, and we have to guard against any further development of the evil. An amendment is to be placed before us which will aim at introducing the colour test into the Bill. There is no honorable member in this House who feels more strongly than I do the necessity of securing a white Australia, and I will go to almost any length in order that we may protect our people against the contamination of alien coloured races, but I recognise that delay will be fatal, and I am, therefore, going to support the Government proposal which offers the readiest means of attaining our ends. I wish to be thoroughly understood with regard to the Queensland sugar plantations and the employment of kanakas. I am prepared to support proposals which would, if it were found necessary, close the plantations of Northern Queensland altogether rather than that kanakas should be employed there. I trust, therefore, that honorable members will understand that in taking the action that I am now indicating I am not in any way departing from my desire to preserve United Australia for the white races. We have heard a good deal recently about the influence of the Colonial-office. The Government have been taunted with a desire to placate the Colonial-office. They have been charged with want of courage - virtually with cowardice - in this matter. It is said that they have been acting under directions, and that they are submitting us to the dictation of the Colonial-office. I fail to see that any action on the part of the
Government has indicated any one of these courses. I believe in the first place that the relations, especially recently, between the Colonial-office and ourselves have been of the most harmonious character, and I believe they will always be so. I agree with those honorable members on the other side who have said that any demand in reason made by us will be acceded to by the Colonial office. The Commonwealth occupies such a position at the present time in the Empire that a Colonial Secretary or British Cabinet would pause before doing anything that would at all strain the friendly relations which exist between us. I recognise that we have received most courteous consideration from the Colonial-office during the last few months. It was only a few months ago that delegates from the various States went to the old country in order to assist the passage through the British Parliament of the very measure under which we are now acting ; and they were received in the most friendly manner. Undoubtedly mistakes were made ; certain objections were taken to some of the desires expressed in the Commonwealth Bill as presented to the Home Parliament ; but who was responsible for that? The fault did not lie with the Colonial-office altogether. I would remind honorable members that some of our own citizens were ear-wigging the British Government with proposals for a modification of the Commonwealth Bill. I would remind honorable members also of the undoubted mistake which, in my opinion, was made by the Colonial Secretary himself, when he appealed to various high officials in the States for an expression of public opinion with regard to the Privy Council proposals contained in the Bill. I very much regret that those officials did not adopt a uniform attitude. It is to be deplored that in some of the States gentlemen occupying high judicial offices saw fit to arrogate to themselves the position of acting as mouth-pieces for the people of Australia. They occupied no such position, and when the request was made to them they should have replied that they were not competent to give an expression of opinion to the Colonial-office.
House of Representatives, Friday, 20 September 1901
